Coordination and gapping in Catalan Sign Language (LSC)

Zorzi, Giorgia

Coordination and gapping in Catalan Sign Language (LSC)

Document Type

Doctoral thesis
Published Version

Author

Zorzi, Giorgia

Director

Quer, Josep

Publication Date

2018-11-14

Pages

410 p.

Citation

Zorzi, G. Coordination and gapping in Catalan Sign Language (LSC). Universitat Pompeu Fabra; 2018. handle: http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665045

This citation was generated automatically.

Doctoral program

Programa de doctorat en Traducció i Ciències del Llenguatge

Abstract

This thesis gives a description and a syntactic analysis for coordination and gapping in conjunction in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) within the framework of Generative Grammar and Minimalism. Regarding coordination, Coordination Phrase (CoP) is proposed as the category for conjunctive, disjunctive and adversative coordination, assuming that the conjuncts are specifiers and complements of CoP in a right-branching coordination structure. The specific derivation for each types of coordination is then applied. As for gapping in conjunction, in LSC it shows similarities with VP-ellipsis, especially because it can appear also in subordination. Moreover, the availability of only distributed scope negation (¬A&¬B) and the presence of contrastive topic and contrastive focus require a large coordination structure, that is, CP coordination. In order to derive gapping, I propose movement of the arguments to TopP and FocP followed by the deletion of TP at PF, with [E] feature in the head of FocP.
Aquesta tesi ofereix una descripció i una anàlisi sintàctica per a la coordinació i el “gapping” en coordinació conjuntiva en llengua de signes catalana (LSC), dins el marc generativista i minimista. Pel que fa a la coordinació, la categoria sintàctica que es proposa és “Coordination Phrase” (CoP) per a la coordinació conjuntiva, disjuntiva i adversativa. A l’estructura, ramificada a la dreta, els constituents de la conjunció són especificadors i complements de CoP. La derivació per a cada tipus de coordinació s’aplica a partir d’aquest model. Pel que fa al “gapping”, mostra proprietats similars a l’el·lipsi de SV (VP-ellipsis), sobretot perquè pot aparèixer en subordinació. A més, la l’existència només d’un abast distribuït de la negació (¬A&¬B) i la presència de tòpic i focus contrastius mostra la necessitat de tenir una coordinació “àmplia” on els dos conjunts siguin CPs. En la derivació de “gapping”, els arguments es mouen a TopP i FocP, seguits de l’eliminació del TP a PF, ambel tret [E] posicionat al nucli de FocP.