Llibres (Institut Barcelona Estudis Internacionals (IBEI))http://hdl.handle.net/10230/421652024-03-29T06:27:02Z2024-03-29T06:27:02ZAgenda dynamics in SpainChaqués Bonafont, LauraPalau, Anna M.Muñoz Màrquez, Luzhttp://hdl.handle.net/10230/593622024-03-09T02:30:43Z2019-01-01T00:00:00ZAgenda dynamics in Spain
Chaqués Bonafont, Laura; Palau, Anna M.; Muñoz Màrquez, Luz
The main goal of the Policy Agendas Project in Spain is to promote a comprehensive theoretical and empirical understanding of agenda dynamics across time, issues, and levels of governance. The project establishes a link between policy dynamics research and other areas of concern within political science, mainly media studies, political representation, and the quality of democracy in multilevel systems of governance. It also provides a new tool for the development of quantitative measurements of policy dynamics. Over the last few years comprehensive and far-reaching datasets about Spanish political and media agendas (following the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP)) have been created, which are free and accessible to download from the webpage: www.q-dem.com.
2019-01-01T00:00:00ZPublic administration and democracy: the complementarity principleBertelli, Anthony M.Schwartz, Lindsey J.http://hdl.handle.net/10230/571242023-06-09T01:30:47Z2022-01-01T00:00:00ZPublic administration and democracy: the complementarity principle
Bertelli, Anthony M.; Schwartz, Lindsey J.
This Element argues for a complementarity principle – governance values should complement political values – as a guide for designing the structures and procedures of public administration. It argues that the value-congruity inherent in the complementarity principle is indispensable to administrative responsibility. It identifies several core democratic values and critically assesses systems of collaborative governance, representative bureaucracy, and participatory policymaking in light of those values. It shows that the complementarity principle, applied to these different designs, facilitates administrative responsibility by making the structures themselves more consistent with democratic principles without compromising their aims. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
2022-01-01T00:00:00ZBoko Haram in Nigeria: R2P and non‐state armed groupsAçikyildiz, Çaglarhttp://hdl.handle.net/10230/549712024-02-26T14:31:10Z2022-01-01T00:00:00ZBoko Haram in Nigeria: R2P and non‐state armed groups
Açikyildiz, Çaglar
Focusing on the case of Nigeria with the aim to understand what has been missing in terms of the protection of the Nigerian population and the role the NSAGs play, this chapter asks to what extent and how the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has been implemented in response to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria? The chapter proceeds in three sections. First, it provides a brief background on the roots of the conflict and the scope of Boko Haram’s influence in the region. The subsequent section explores R2P’s implementation in the case of Nigeria through a pillar-by-pillar analysis. It first studies the national response with the aim to understand the extent and nature of the Nigerian State’s failure to protect its population with respect to Pillar One. This is followed by an overview of the international responses to the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Nigeria in relation to Pillar Two, and a discussion on Pillar Three including the possibility of employing forceful measures. The final section reflects on the lessons that can be drawn from the case of Nigeria for future implementations of R2P.
2022-01-01T00:00:00ZSpanish foreign policy: navigating global shifts and domestic crisesSoler i Lecha, EduardBarbé, Estherhttp://hdl.handle.net/10230/525582024-02-26T14:19:19Z2021-01-01T00:00:00ZSpanish foreign policy: navigating global shifts and domestic crises
Soler i Lecha, Eduard; Barbé, Esther
Spain’s foreign policy is often seen as the result of three structural changes: Europeanization, democratization and societal modernization. This contribution complements this assessment by analyzing the effects of three major international factors (the end of the Cold War, September 11 and the global financial crisis) and several mutually reinforcing crises (economic, political and territorial) on Spanish foreign policy. While there were no changes in the priorities of Spain’s foreign policy, there were noticeable variations when it comes to the capacity to act, the means and strategies to reach foreign policy goals and the preferred allies and partners. With noticeable exceptions, such as Aznar’s Atlanticist turn (1996–2004), continuity prevails, which is illustrated by Spain’s continuous desire to be recognized as a middle power; the priority it gives to European integration, Latin America and the Mediterranean; its active involvement in multilateral frameworks; and its concern for unresolved territorial disputes with Morocco and the United Kingdom. Rather than pointing to a single driver or a sole inhibitor of foreign policy change, the authors argue that the combination of domestic and global factors offers a more accurate picture of how Spain’s foreign policy has navigated global shifts and domestic crises since the end of the Cold War.
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